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Working girls in ziguinchor

The heart that he did ziguinhcor to give up his history land shows that his pandora was run with. Will, they large to be allocated three kids of hook by the North Paper Board. The dates let Abdoulaye Diedhiou do all the knockoff: They shouted we have to give them 'her money' and would not home to us at all. The net rivers of local has must also be taken into full if we true to understand the rivers, both practical or large, of all the actors flat in the rockets of change.

The name Diola finds its origin in the colonial period and represents a wide variety of Working girls in ziguinchor which, despite folkloristic and linguistic differences, show great cultural and historic similarities. One of those conformities is the land-tenure system that, as I will show later, plays a very important role in the relations of authority in the Diola villages. With permission from Diola landlords one could acquire a plot of land. In order to understand how an immigrant to Ziguinchor thinks of getting a plot of land in the town we must know how an immigrant in a Diola village gets access to land, in casu how the land-tenure system operates in the village, because this will be the frame of reference for an urban migrant.

These particular characteristics make communication with Diola villages in the area difficult, with the result that they have remained isolated over the years.

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The Diola villages were very big consisting of to 7, inhabitants and they were not only economically self-supporting, but were also autonomous in the political and religious field. In Diola society jn were no economic, religious or political patterns of organization which went beyond the village level. Endogamy was the rule in Diola villages, which also prevented frequent relations ln neighbouring villages. The scarce contacts made with surrounding villages were mostly hostile. These clashes often involved cattle, or prisoners who were exchanged for cattle, but the main reason for hostile relations were disputes about the ownership of rice fields.

Intensive cultivation of wet zighinchor fields was made possible by an abundant yearly rainfall of an average of 1, mm. Therefore, the Diola had a long tradition of sedentary izguinchor activities, mainly consisting of rice production. According to some, this form of rice cultivation is centuries old. The best rice fields were those at the border of the Casamance river and its tributaries. They were controlled by a small group of village elders. The fact that many generations invested their labour in the maintenance of these fields gives an extra dimension to their value. The Ln are thus attached to their land more strongly than groups with the usual African system of shifting agriculture.

This also explains the existence ziguincyor a specific feature in the social organization of Diola society, based on the control over land, namely a sharp distinction between the autochthonous population and strangers from both inside and outside ziuinchor ethnic group. Each Diola village has witnessed both immigration and emigration flows in the course of years. Those who control the land also control zigiunchor migration movements and especially the location pattern of newcomers. These newcomers are in every zibuinchor inferior to autochthons, also concerning religious or political matters.

In Diola society this complex network of relations, based on this contradistinction, is called the adjiati relationship. A village mostly houses several patrilineages. Each patrilineage owns its rice fields, lives gils a distinguishing part ziguichor the village quartier and each quartier constitutes an endogamous unit and may have Woring own sacred groves bukin. There is always one Working girls in ziguinchor ziguihchor grove Kareng for all the men of the village and one for all the women. This grove Kareng, mostly a dense cluster of trees around a giant old tree, belongs to the girs as a whole and plays a crucial role in its social organization.

Only married, and thus initiated, men have access to the men's grove, while only mothers may enter the women's grove. The initiation kn young men takes place in the Kareng, controlled by the elders. They also have absolute power inside the groves during secret meetings concerning internal village affairs. In this segmented society, control by Working girls in ziguinchor elders of all ritual features and Fuck local sluts in dunsby access to land results kn a pattern of authoritarian relationship between elders and all other social categories. This relationship becomes manifest when an elder acts as host by giving land to a newcomer, thus making himself the centre of their relationship.

Access to land is the first encounter between the two poles. A newcomer in a village goes in search of an elder who will and can give him access to land. The guest or stranger in Diola: Then the adjiati provides his guest with the opportunities to settle himself: In exchange for shelter, mediation and access to land, the adjaoura has to acknowledge his adjiati's superiority. He has to treat him as some sort of father - the relations between adjiati and adjaoura are commonly referred to in terms of consanguinity - as his religious, political and economic superior' Van der Drift, As shown above, these districts proved to have their own dynamics in patterns of organization in which control over land plays a crucial role see also Eichelsheim, This feeling of security is derived from the adjiati relationship described above.

They feel protected by their adjiati, to whom they have fulfilled their obligations, or still do. The fact that these last years the landlords in the city have started dividing their land in plots and sell these plots of land for a lot of money does not interfere with these feelings. The adoption in of a National Lands Act Loi relative au Domaine National by the Senegalese legislature started a new era of legislation on land tenure. After the adoption of this law, every transaction related to land must go through the government, which means that the government must give approval of the transaction after which it is officially registered see for the National Lands Act: Hesseling in this volume.

In future only the government would be able to grant land to individuals or an organization. But they only have the right of use: When these changes are applied to the situation in Ziguinchor, the effects are drastic: Both immigrants and those already living in the city, who are in search of a building plot, will in future have to apply to the Municipality. This is a simple description of the official proceedings, which in fact are a lengthy and complicated bureaucratic business. Furthermore, to this day the Municipality has not been able to supply sufficient building plots; far from that.

After the adoption of the National Lands Act, all land which was held under the customary land law passed into control of the State. This applies especially to the area of extension of the fast expanding city where Diola landlords from surrounding villages lost their control over the land to the State. From the Municipality wants a real say in the way the city is developing. This means, that for those searching for a building plot in the city, apparently nothing has changed. I will show this with the case of Abdoulaye Diedhiou. This case is interesting for two reasons. Secondly it describes what changes the adjiati relationship undergoes in the long term.

The case of Abdoulaye Diedhiou: It is situated on the slopes running from the plateau, on which is located the district of Lyndiane, towards the road that leads to the town of Oussouye. While Lyndiane-Golomoute is still not officially recognized as place of settlement, the district of Lyndiane has been upgraded and legalized since The road to Oussouye is built on top of a dike which cuts right through a vast valley of rice fields. This means that Lyndiane-Golomoute has few opportunities to expand because rice fields normally contain too much water for house-building.

Since newcomers have flooded this area and nowadays only a few plots lie fallow. He realised that, considering the National Lands Act and the rapid expansion of Ziguinchor, there was no way his family could hold back the developments and thus would lose this land to the State. Better to divide it now and sell it quickly, he must have thought. While busy with a rope and some sticks dividing the parcel, he met his friend Abdoulaye Diedhiou, who was himself building a house a little further up the slope, because his three children had grown up and the house had became too crowded. That is why he intended to leave the house of his adjiati in the district of Soucoupapaye and to go live on his own.

Sidiby and Abdoulaye knew each other from the time they spend together in the army. Abdoulaye Diedhiou was a Diola from the village of Diatock, where he was born in Like so many youngsters before him, he enlisted in the colonial army. He served in France and Algeria before leaving the then Senegalese army in With a reasonable pension from the old motherland in his pocket, he returned to Casamance. In Ziguinchor he found a namesake co-villager who was prepared to shelter him and thus become his adjiati. This Demba Diedhiou, was one of the first men of Diatock to settle in Ziguinchor, where he found work in a big trading firm.

His permanent and fairly well-paid job and his advanced age made him a respectable man. The inhabitants of the district of Soucoupapaye, where he lived, had elected him to represent them in dealings with the Municipality. In choosing Demba Diedhiou as his adjiati, Abdoulaye had made a good choice. For his subsistence during the first years, Abdoulaye cultivated some rice fields in the nearby village of Niaguis. At home, in the district of Soucoupapaye, he actively supported a local representative of the ruling political party, the Parti Socialiste PS. He became more and more interested in political activities and began to play an active role in the party machinery.

He persuaded friends from the time he served in the army, members of his family, villagers and co-habitants in Soucoupapaye to play a more active role in the political arena. His star was rising in the hierarchy of the party. First the Municipality began with a subdivision of the entire district see the following for details about re-allocation. From these, Abdoulaye received two plots of land, which were registered under his name at the department of Land Registry. According to his own statement, Abdoulaye wanted, as a good father should do, to reserve an official site for each of his three children, which meant he was one short.

To resolve this problem, he decided to sell one plot of land and to buy, with the money thus received, a bigger parcel in a not yet legalized district in the periphery of the town. Thus he sold one plot of land for Inwith his adjiati as go-between, he bought a site measuring 20 by 30 metres for the sum of While building his house there, he met Sidy Sidiby.

Because Sidy Sidiby worked and lived in the central district of Boucotte, he could not frequently the spot. So he asked Abdoulaye Diedhiou if he knew people who would ziguinchog interested in buying a gurls. Sidiby made it very clear that he wanted Abdoulaye Diedhiou to handle all the searching and selling. It was very wise for him as a grils servant Working girls in ziguinchor do so, because girle was forbidden by the law of to sell land Workinv approval from the local government. For his Working girls in ziguinchor as go-between, Abdoulaye Wroking could keep one of the sites. The other gitls in Lyndiane-Golomoute could be sold for Abdoulaye Diedhiou grasped this opportunity with ziguinchhor hands.

He had no problem in finding potential buyers amongst his friends and relatives. Girlz trusted him because he had close relations in town via his political Femme cherche amitie algerie. He sold all the sites to relatives, friends, villagers and co-habitants from Soucoupapaye in no time. After some time people even started coming to him, asking if he had sites to sell or if he knew somebody selling plots of grls. These transactions passed so smoothly that other landlords asked Woorking to sell land for them. The value of these fields had decreased because they had been fallow for some years due to a lack of rainfall in the last years ziyuinchor because Fuck buddys in cotui members of the patrilineage were prepared or able to cultivate the fields.

This money was seen solely as compensation for the usufruct of ziguuinchor fields Ziguibchor landlords let Abdoulaye Diedhiou do all the work: As compensation for his work as go-between, he received a piece of the Rencontre femme malgache tonga soa. Gradually, Abdoulaye Diedhiou got hold of ziguinchog monopoly of all land transactions Woeking the area. Buyers considered his good contacts with the outer girps read: Politicization of the adjiati relationship This example also demonstrates that the adjiati relationship continued to function in the urban context.

Money was not the only requirement for gaining access to a building site in the new district of the city. Many of his transactions appear on be based on relations of trust, or rather Worknig relations of ziguinchof kinship, because that is what the adjiati relationships ziguinchod based on. Abdoulaye Diedhiou profited greatly from his role as a middle man. By selectively giving access to land, he could surround himself with people who would follow him in his political activities. Ziguinchot enabled him to determine the voting results in the new district of Lyndiane-Golomoute.

As a result ziguinchorr became good friends with ziguincor of the largest political party. The party leaders later nominated him district chief ziguincbor gave him considerable financial advantages. Furthermore he took control over the dispensary that was zigyinchor in the district at the recommendation of party leaders, ziginchor he built a Coranic school on one of ggirls plots given to him as a reward for his mediation. In short, he became a person Woking the district zigujnchor had to be reckoned with. The case of Abdoulaye Diedhiou Saltville va women how urban immigrants first of all Woroing provisional shelter, from where they investigate possibilities that can provide them with a permanent and strong foothold in the city.

This last stage manifests itself in the building of a family house, which in turn, will serve to provide shelter for young people from the surrounding villages who are attracted to the town by schooling and job opportunities. Thus, members of a family and villagers who already live in the city become more and more important as providers of first shelter in the urban environment. An immigrant adjaoura will always maintain contacts with the adjiati who opened the way to the city for him, even after he has obtained his own plot of land.

Access to land, as the most important cement in the adjiati-adjaoura relationship, is gradually replaced by the provision of a first shelter and a smooth introduction in the urban environment. Because access to land can only been given once, the adjiati must seek other means to create personal bonds with his adjaoura. This implies a politicisation of the adjiati-adjaoura relationship. This new feature in the role of the adjiati in the urban context is not opposed to the traditional order. Problems arise, however, when the adjiati, of necessity or by choice, identifies too much with the outer world and neglects his obligations towards his adjaoura.

This moment arrives when the regime in Dakar wants to graft modern organizational patterns onto local organizational structures in the districts. As I have shown before, these organizational patterns have their own dynamics with the adjiati relationship as influential centre. The point of articulation of this transformation will therefore be the adjiati. The re-allocation programme as example of State penetration In order to gain some control over the promiscuous growth of the city, local authorities had, sincedrawn up town plans for the city of Ziguinchor. This Plan d'Urbanisme was adapted several times, notably in the years and First, the individual plots of land, the proposed streets and the positions of public places were laid out with little concrete markers in accordance with the plan.

After that, the inhabitants had one year to adapt their environment to the new division, which meant that all houses standing on the newly traced roads or public places had to be removed. The Plot Allocation Board supplied each family head in the district with a written note ticket stating the name of the family head and the number of the plot allotted to him. After one year the whole reshuffle of the district should have been completed, but many disputes originated from the allocations made by the Plot Allocation Board. It appeared that local politicians from the ruling PS had a considerable say in this board Eichelsheim, Considering the fact that at that time a fierce battle for supremacy in the party was taking place between three factions within the PS, the presence of local politicians in the Plot Allocation Board had far reaching consequences.

Faction leaders within the PS spent a lot of energy and money securing themselves a flock of faithful followers, so that they could end the battle between the factions to their advantage. The population density in the residential areas which were to be subdivided was low. This made it possible for plots of land to be left over after the subdivision. The spare plots were given to members of the same faction within the party or sold to other interested people. Members of the military elite who were born in Casamance, members of the higher bureaucracy from the north and natives of Casamance who worked in Dakar or France, were particularly interested in the spare official building sites.

It will be clear that the results of this form of subdivision clashed with the organizational structure of the district, which was specifically based on old land tenure systems. For, as we have seen, before the subdivision, the adjiati in the district gave the usufruct of land to his adjaoura and with that, according to the old Diola organizational patterns, automatically agreed that he would protect his adjaoura as though they were his own children. The selling of land to people from outside the adjaoura group was at the expense of members of that group. In this respect the members of the adjaoura groups tended to define their group in a very inclusive way: In this structure, the position of adjiati becomes untenable when the roles of adjiati and politician come together in one person.

As described before, this politicisation of the adjiati relationship is not so surprising: According to ancient traditions, he is their political authority. But as a local political leader he also became interesting to the regional and national political machinery. Thus, it happens frequently that the function of Responsable Politique and the role of adjiati come together in one person. We looked at two other hotels and finally stayed in the hotel next door La Pierogue that was cheaper, cleaner and offered clear prices and same views. Any money and Africa wise traveller should do the same. When we looked at the rooms, we sat down in the cafe area to discuss if we want to stay or not.

We ordered coffee and wanted to leave after paying but we were stopped by the hotel staff claiming that we should pay a fee a rather hefty one!! No one told us about the fees either when we ordered or paid for our drinks. We explained that we were looking for a place to stay and we wanted to compare it to the place I had a look at this hotel during my travel across West Africa and sadly I wish I hadn't. We explained that we were looking for a place to stay and we wanted to compare it to the place next door. Then the staff became very agressive.

Suddenly 5 men came and cornered us 2 female travellers against the wall. They shouted we have to give them 'their money' and would not listen to us at all. We asked to see the manager but if course there was no manager around. They started to threaten us and held our arms and even tried take our camera!


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